Introduction
This research explores the nebula of new Chinese associations in Europe.[1] The list of organizations we have compiled includes a variety of organizations, ranging from those providing community service to those fighting against some forms of discrimination, defending human rights and freedom of expression, as well as those more political in nature, such as those promoting the political representation of people of Asian origin, but it is certainly not exhaustive.
This research was conducted by dividing the research work into two parts. We decided to distribute among ourselves, based on the various strengths of the researchers, what seemed to us to be two distinct groups of organizations we were going to explore.
Being Chinese and drawing on his experience, Michael Liu seemed better equipped to approach those organizations established by “newcomer” Chinese in the past ten years. These organizations often started as informal groups formed by former students who stayed in the country of their studies and needed a certain level of anonymity and ambiguity in their work.
Emmanuel Santarromana, on the other hand, focused on documenting organizations fighting against anti-Asian racism and groups that are more focused on local politics. These organizations have a visible presence and actively seek as much visibility as possible. They are often created by second-generation descendants or newcomer migrants who entered the countries they now live in at a very young age (1.5 generation).
Emerging Chinese civil society organizations created by “newcomer” Chinese
by Michael Yi Liu
As a result of preliminary research, 41 organizations have been identified. Geography-wise, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and Germany are the top three countries that host most of these organizations. This undoubtedly has to do with the large volumes of international students from China hosted in these countries. Interestingly, most of these organizations started to be active during the COVID-19 pandemic (2020-2022). The A4 revolution in and out of China in November 2022 also gave the mushrooming of this wave of organizations a strong push.
A bilingual table that comprises all these 41 organizations and their respective areas of work, as well as their geographic coverage based on previous work, has been updated to give researchers a holistic view of these organizations. In this table, as well as in the research itself, the author has categorized these organizations into six different categories based on their primary area of work:
- Community service;
- Feminist agenda;
- Establishing a more encompassing organization that covers different issues in a relatively wider spectrum, like a funding organization, i.e. Foundation;
- LGBTI/SOGIE issues;
- Media;
- Political resistance against the Party-State of China.
However, this is only a rough division of the researched organizations, and some might fit into two or more categories rather than just one.
Anti-Asian racism and/or local political mobilization organizations founded mainly by the second generation of migrants from East and South-East Asia
by Emmanuel Santarromana
Regarding organizations fighting against discrimination and anti-Asian racism and/or working on local political mobilization, we can distinguish three sub-groups out of the 38 organisations we have referenced in Europe:
- The first comprises organizations deeply rooted in the associative landscape, often the oldest. They are usually multifunctional (promoting Chinese culture, interculturality, anti-racism, etc.). They sometimes benefit from state subsidies in the countries where they are registered and occasionally receive funds from first-generation business associations during charity galas, as is the case in France with AJCF.
- The second group has a more radical side, with more provocative political messages, often led by younger members of the second generation, as is the case of Catharsia (Col.lectiu artistico-politic d’asiaticdescendents) in Spain.
- The third group that is part of the world of contemporary art, perhaps the most dynamic, seeks to use art to promote a political and anti-racist discourse, whether by organizing performances or thematic exhibitions. In some countries, there is indeed a growing and varied production of forms, activities, and artistic practices focused on Asian migrations and the condition of these immigrants and their descendants. This is the case, for example, with the “Mai Ling” collective in Austria. These new forms of political actions/art performances are not without recalling the emergence of artistic-political
collectives that we saw flourish in Europe in the seventies within the radical left.
Conclusion
It is often difficult to compare the two types of organizations analyzed above in terms of resonance. For example, the former often seek to be as discreet as possible because their members are of Chinese nationality, and there might be consequences upon their return to China. In contrast, the latter often aim for the exact opposite, seeking recognition by the largest number of people and maximum media coverage. Yet the organic but parallel growth of the organizations out of the two very different Chinese communities is itself intriguing. Further analysis of the reasons behind this relatively new phenomenon and its nuance would be a worthwhile academic exercise.
We also hope that, beyond academic circles, this research can be an exemplary tool to connect these various associations at the European level through building bridges between each European country where Chinese migrants are increasingly fighting for their rights and aspiring for freedom, justice, and equality through institutions. Perhaps, in the long run, it could create a European dynamic within the Chinese diaspora, and we may hear the term Chinese or Asian European one day, as is the case in the United States for Chinese or Asian Americans. European policymakers in Brussels and national capitals should note this possibility early and follow its trajectory.
